TEMPO and HUP

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A Blog for Civil Debate on Political Philosophy

January 6 Sedition Leader Exposed

March 18, 2022 by Alan Bernstein Leave a Comment

These days, the expression “conspiracy theory” is almost synonymous with “nonsense.” Nonetheless, conspiracies do exist, and new evidence has just emerged of a conspiracy behind the January 6, 2021, attack on the nation’s Capitol. In the New York Times of March 14, 2022, Alan Feuer reported evidence uncovered by prosecutors of one conspiracy leader who urged the attackers on. That person is Enrique Tarrio, then leader of the Proud Boys, who played a crucial role (or thought he could) in the effort to reverse the 2020 election. Tarrio’s past is a checkered one. After being arrested in 2012, he worked as an informant for the FBI in drug, gambling, and human smuggling cases. In 2014 his cooperation with law enforcement was brought forward presumably to mitigate sentencing for his own crimes. By 2015, however, his loyalties had shifted from the FBI to the Proud Boys, a far-right, all male, militia style activist group dedicated, they say, to Western Chauvinism. They participated in the Unite the Right demonstration in Charlottesville VA, on August 11-12, 2017. Tarrio became the group’s leader in 2018.

To appreciate his role in the attack on the Capitol, we must back up a bit.

In the morning of January 6, demonstrators erected a scaffold and a noose on the Mall. By 1:30 PM, assailants overwhelmed badly outnumbered police attempting to protect the Capitol. At 2:12, one attacker broke a window allowing hundreds of armed insurgents to enter. Some chanted, “Hang Mike Pence!” That could not have seemed an idle threat in view of the scaffold outside. At 2:13, Capitol police moved the Vice-President from the House chamber to safety. At 2:24, Trump tweeted: “Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done,” that is, to reject the ballots submitted by the Electoral College which, if counted, would give Joe Biden victory. Calling Pence a coward could only have encouraged the Capitol’s invaders. The situation continued to deteriorate. At 2:26, Senator Tommy Tuberville told Trump on the phone that he (Tuberville) could no longer stay in the chamber; it was being evacuated. Then, at 2:38, Trump issued a cover-up tweet to the rioters: “Please support our Capitol Police and Law Enforcement. They are truly on the side of our Country. Stay peaceful!” Nonetheless, at that point (2:41), Tarrio used a Parler social-media account to give his orders. According to Rachael Levy of the Wall Street Journal his words were: “Proud Of My Boys and my country…. Don’t ***ing leave.” “His boys” were the Proud Boy rioters, and others intent on disrupting the counting of electoral ballots.

It took over a year for prosecutors to reveal how clearly Enrique Tarrio supervised the attack of the far-right Proud Boys. These were the same militia-style activists whom Trump had ordered during the presidential debate with Biden on Sept 29, 2020, to “stand back and stand by.” Then, back in action on January 6, Tarrio ignored Trump’s plea to stay peaceful, and instead commanded the rioters to hold the building. There was nothing spontaneous about his message. Indeed, Feuer’s article reports on a document federal prosecutors have found entitled “1776 Returns.” It outlines plans for January 6 and calls for the occupation of six House and Senate buildings and the Supreme Court. These plans did not remain fantasy. Unexploded bombs were found concealed in satchels outside both the House and Senate Office Buildings. Whoever wrote this just-revealed document, it outlines a plan for a government takeover that made its way to a person calling shots more explicitly than the then president on that fateful day. Participants in the plan were to occupy the designated buildings and conduct sit-ins there after a “signal from lead.” They were then to “storm” the buildings. Enrique Tarrio was not, himself, in Washington on January 6. He had been arrested days earlier for activities during the December, 2020, protests that vandalized Black Lives Matter symbols after a pro-Trump rally. After being charged with the possession of two high-capacity rifle magazines, he was subsequently ordered out of the capital as part of an arrangement for his release. That hardly removed him from a position of influence.

No Surprise

January 9, 2021 by Alan Bernstein 16 Comments

Supporters of President Donald Trump, carrying Confederate flag, inside the Capitol, Wednesday, Jan. 6, 2021. (AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta)

 

     Planning for the January 6 assault on the US Capitol began long before the notorious rally at the Ellipse. Looking at only the Trump presidency we can see the preparation. First, Trump flattered the armed and violent, racist alt-Right. In one of history’s greatest waffles, Donald Trump said of the protesters and counter-protesters at the tragic 2017 Unite the Right demonstrations in Charlottesville that there were “very fine people on both sides.” Wrong: there were only “very fine people” on one side.

     The Right took the hint. They were encouraged to protest more boldly. Once the Corona virus hit, armed protesters opposed to masking invaded the state capitol in Lansing and threatened the assembly and the governor of Michigan.  In Portland and Kenosha, vigilantes, who claimed to be defending the police, killed marchers protesting the murder of Black suspects such as George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Jacob Blake. On January 6, extremist rioters entered the U. S. Capitol to disrupt the counting of electoral college votes. With his protesters still inside the building, but hearing widespread condemnation of the action, Trump finally told his supporters to “go home.” Then, echoing the welcome he gave to the violent right in Charlottesville, he added, “We love you, you are very special.” How chastened they must have felt!

     On December 20, after the results of the 2020 Presidential election became clear, Donald Trump asked his faithful to gather in Washington precisely on January 6 — the day the electoral votes of all fifty states would be counted. He Tweeted to them: “Big protest in DC on January 6th. Be there, will be wild!” So it is no surprise that his followers at the Ellipse obeyed when Trump ordered them to march to the Capitol “to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women.” Everyone knew what January 6 was to be. The Anti-Defamation League sent over a thousand notices to law enforcement itemizing overt statements culled from right-wing social media with plans for the coming violence.  Washington DC Mayor Muriel Bowser requested the National Guard to keep order, but “someone” at the Department of Defense, in an act of criminal negligence, denied her petition. It is as if there was collusion between the invaders of the Capitol and those with authority over the building’s defense and responsibility for keeping the legislators safe. (Why does “collusion” keep cropping up in connection with D. Trump?)

     Trump had pressured Pence to reverse the decision of the electoral college. Pence had refused. A mob was marching toward the Capitol.  Because of sabotage from above, the Capitol Police were left shorthanded and unprepared for the confrontation. Besides, the marchers were strong advocates of police immunity and, in contrast to the Black Lives Matter protesters, they were white and many belonged to groups long connected to white supremacy. The ingredients for this disaster had brewed for a long time. The stench will linger. It’s imperative that the country not regard the invasion of the Capitol as an isolated, “one-off” incident. We must prepare for similar attacks at the Inauguration (if not in DC, perhaps in many state capitals) and thereafter, for the long term.

     Dreams of attacking the government and fomenting civil war have animated right-wing thinking for a long time. Ronald Reagan had declared government “the problem” decades ago. The bombing attack of 1995 that killed 168 people in Oklahoma City was against the Federal Building and destroyed government offices. The NRA has for years argued that citizens need guns not to serve in a militia, but to resist “jack-booted thugs” from the government who would impose Washington’s will on a defenseless, subject population. Belief that there is a Deep State is evidence of a paranoid distrust of the most commonplace bureaucratic resources.

     There are formal organizations who monitor the activities of hate groups. I support the Southern Poverty Law Center, but there are several others. The militias and hate groups they expose are no longer just camping in the woods and hiding under rocks. The Proud Boys and Patriot Prayer came out in force this year in Kenosha and Portland. When asked about them during the presidential debate on September 29th, the President told them to “stand by.” Then on December 20, he summoned them to Washington. Since then, theories of non-existent conspiracies spawned by QAnon and similar fantastic propagandists have exacerbated tensions.

     Whether Trump leaves office peacefully or not, the point is that he has orchestrated currents in our country that most of us thought were safely beneath the surface. They are not!  Anti-Black, anti-immigrant, anti-Sanctuary, Anti-Semitic, Ku Klux Klan bearers of Confederate flags, white nationalist, male supremacy activists have been energized by Trump and his appeasers. These currents go very far back in American history. They will not be stopped by the inauguration of a new administration. Not all of this sentiment is equally extreme. But let’s remember how the word “liberal” has been made into a sneer, thus forcing liberals to call themselves “progressive.” Conservatives use “Democrat” as a slur, adjectivally, when they refer to the “Democrat Party.” Such liberties seep from conversation to ideology to hate and, as we saw on Wednesday, to violence.

     The radical right no doubt thinks the left is capable of the same: that those on the left hate America, seek to establish Venezuelan socialism here, disregard racial boundaries, devalue faith, and want open borders. The right has developed a “mirror-reflex” that supports their own echo chamber. It’s the old school-yard taunt: “Oh yeah? Well, you’re one, too.” But it ain’t so. In today’s America, the level of hatred and the proneness to violence is asymmetrical — far greater on the right.  It was there before Trump and will be there after he is out of office. We must be prepared for more of the same and not expect a sudden relaxation “just because” our new administration will be more sane. As Seyward Darby has observed, this is not a “last gasp” of Trumpism. The recently elected Republican delegate to the West Virginia House of Delegates, Derrick Evans, posted a video of himself participating in the invasion of the Capitol. He announced on Facebook, “Today’s a test run.” 

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